Does Resolution 1325 make sense?

As Bosnia and Herzegovina marks 25 years since the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security” (the Resolution) under the auspices of UN Women, and as non-governmental organizations continue to advocate for the Criminal Code of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be amended, certain political leaders openly display sexism and misogyny—without any sense of accountability.

As I write this, the Buka portal has just published a video that shows politicians dancing to a song with the lyrics: “Hey doctor, examine my wife—I beat her to a pulp last night.” This is not the first time; we’ve been witnessing similar performances for years. Responses usually come from NGOs and a handful of female politicians, while most women in politics—whose party leaders are often the perpetrators of such behavior—remain silently submissive to protect their own positions. The mayor of Bijeljina’s call for NGOs to react—with the insistence that without them the fight against violence is meaningless—places the burden on civil society organizations, which have shouldered most of this work for the past three decades. But where is everyone else? And why aren’t the mayor and other politicians calling on the institutions that are actually responsible for preventing violence? 

With all this in mind, we might ask ourselves: Is there any point fighting gender-based violence?

Despite the many reasons for frustration and bitterness, the answer is yes—there is a point. Anything else would mean accepting violence, further normalizing it, and undoing all that has been achieved so far. Even though the system seems to be coming apart at the seams, and those who are supposed to protect citizens are often the ones who promote sexism and misogyny, the struggle is not only meaningful—it is essential.

Never in history have women gained rights without a fight. Susan B. Anthony (1820–1906), for example, risked arrest and abuse as she fought for women’s rights and the abolition of slavery. Like so many others, she was told it would never happen, and that her efforts were in vain, but she believed, and persisted. Thanks to her and hundreds of other suffragettes, we now enjoy the fruits of their struggle—which means we also bear responsibility for what we will pass on to future generations.

It is difficult to watch political leaders—both around the world and in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)—who, often guided by authoritarian and violent models of power, downplay the seriousness of gender-based violence and fail to sanction or condemn it, while victims continue to be silenced and stigmatized. Despite this, the persistent efforts of feminist movements have given rise to a comprehensive framework of international and European human rights standards. Thanks to civil society organizations in BiH and the establishment of state-level gender equality mechanisms, there is now a legal framework in place to address femicide and other forms of violence against women.

The Resolution is important, as are other key documents, including: the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), ratified in 1981; the Vienna Declaration (1993); and the Beijing Platform for Action (1995). While this legal framework is sometimes seen as ineffective, it is nonetheless a crucial tool in the fight against violence against women, and binds BiH to international legal frameworks that require it to uphold the commitments it has signed.

What has Resolution 1325 given us?

The Resolution was adopted in 2000, and was particularly significant in the Balkans, coming in the aftermath of the region’s 1991–1995 wars. It gave impetus to the ideas that gender equality was important, that women’s voices in peace-building should be strengthened, and that their presence in decision-making spaces should be supported. The Resolution is a key United Nations document, as it calls for women to be included in critical areas of societal decision-making (e.g., the police, judiciary, and parliament); to be protected from violence, particularly when sexual or domestic in nature; and to be involved in building a safer society. This is because women possess specific experience and knowledge, are disproportionately affected by violence, and are directly affected by these issues.

Importantly, women—especially those in non-governmental organizations—were working to implement the Resolution even before it was officially adopted. They did not wait for international approval to begin peace-building; rather, they worked continuously within their local communities to reassemble what was broken, shattered, and fragmented, to stitch wounds and traumas, and to forge new paths for themselves, their families, and their communities.

I clearly remember the first meetings after the adoption of the Resolution, and the announcement of extensive activities planned for its implementation. Certain state institutions were especially active: the Ministry of Human Rights of BiH, the Agency for Gender Equality of BiH, the Ministry of Defense of BiH, and the entity-level Ministries of Internal Affairs. Significant progress has been made since the adoption of the first Action Plan for the Implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution “Women, Peace, and Security” for 2010–2013, which was followed by the second (2014–2017), third (2018–2022), and current (2023–2027) Action Plans.

The representation of women in decision-making positions in the Parliament of BiH and the entity parliaments following the 2022 general elections showed evidence of progress, but remains insufficient:

• Presidency: one woman and two men (the first time a woman has been elected to this position)
• House of Representatives of BiH: 16.67%
• House of Representatives of the Parliament of the Federation of BiH: 27.55%
• National Assembly of Republika Srpska: 19.28%
• Council of Peoples of Republika Srpska: 28.57%
• Cantonal Assemblies: 31.49%

On average, women participate at a rate of 27.1% across governmental levels, with higher percentages at lower levels. Much work remains to be done, including raising awareness about the need for women to be equal participants in BiH’s political life. 

The number of women in judicial institutions is significantly higher than in politics, but while they hold 75% of positions in municipal courts, they represent only 41% in higher courts and presiding roles.

In the armed and police forces, women make up around 10% of staff, but are not present in key positions. Although the Action Plan emphasizes affirmative measures (such as merit-based quotas in public and internal job announcements, and during the recruitment process), it neglects, for example, discrimination against women in the military, who have been dismissed for wearing the hijab. One such case is that of Emela Mujanović, who has spent years fighting for her right to serve in the Armed Forces of BiH as a hijab-wearing Muslim woman.

Despite societal shortcomings and obstacles, the Resolution has initiated many processes and reforms. For this reason, it is important to continue to move forward—to prevent the erosion of progress made to date, and to lay new foundations that protect women from violence. The Resolution is not a magic wand, or a mechanism that can erase barriers overnight. It is, however, an important framework, as it obliges BiH to fulfill set objectives within the UN system, in order to demonstrate that it is upholding international human rights standards on its path toward the European Union.

The Ten Commandments for BiH institutions

State institutions have committed to implementing the measures required to enforce the Resolution and other international documents. Although BiH has legal frameworks in place to protect victims of violence, their implementation is often inconsistent, and institutional responses are slow and ineffective. Women who survive violence frequently face additional obstacles when seeking justice, ranging from stigmatization to institutional insensitivity. The reasons for this are manifold, and in addition to socio-cultural factors (such as the normalization of violence in a patriarchal culture), there are several institutional barriers, including:

• inadequate punitive and protective measures;
• a lack of trained personnel in the judiciary and police (police officers receive only six months of training for such a serious and responsible job, which reflects the state’s attitude not only toward gender-based violence, but toward public safety in general);
• the absence of integrated databases on violence cases;
• insufficient funding for safe houses and psycho-social support;
• limited civil society involvement;
• inadequate monitoring and evaluation mechanisms;
• a lack of political accountability; and
• a lack of synergy between governmental levels, resulting in a fragmented approach to gender-based violence without intersectoral cooperation.

These challenges point to a deep gap between the normative obligations of institutions and the reality on the ground, which is why non-governmental organizations exert constant pressure to improve the implementation of legal norms. To protect victims of gender-based violence effectively, it is necessary for BiH’s institutions to implement ten critical measures:

1. Risk assessment: Every report of violence should lead to an immediate assessment of the risk of recurrence and initiate appropriate protective measures, without bureaucratic procedures that place victims in difficult situations and expose them to further risk—for example, if a victim has to collect a document from one of the institutions involved but is aware that the perpetrator could intercept them, the institutions must assess the risk and simplify the procedure.
2. Efficient procedures: Institutions should act quickly and efficiently, from conducting investigations to filing charges, especially in cases where there is a risk of re-victimization, intimidation, or murder.
3. Comprehensive support: During criminal proceedings, including property-related claims, support for victims must be ensured to avoid additional trauma and economic burdens, which often force women to abandon prosecution.
4. Aggravating circumstances: The perpetrator’s history of violence should be taken into account, along with the presence of children during violent episodes, repeated violence (violence does not begin with a physical act), and the use of weapons. If this is not considered, but it is taken into account that the perpetrator is perceived as a good father and neighbor, then the message to victims and the public is that gender-based violence is not taken seriously as a criminal offense.
5. Institutional responsibility: Institutions responsible for protection (primarily the police and judicial bodies) and their leadership should face disciplinary procedures in cases of negligence.
6. Prevention: Women should be informed early about all available services, including free legal aid, healthcare, and economic support. Unfortunately, this is still not the case and the level of support depends on how sensitized the individuals within institutions are to this issue, and, for example, how well they cooperate with non-governmental organizations to make such information accessible.
7. A unique database and registry of offenders: To enable monitoring of cases and development of policies that prevent violence and protect against it, these efforts must work synergistically and through cross-sector collaboration.
8. Ongoing education: The judiciary, police, and public officials should be continuously trained on issues of gender-based violence and the contents of the Resolution. Educational institutions should also be included in this effort, and should consistently remind all stakeholders of their zero-tolerance policy toward violence.
9. Budget: Budgets should be allocated for the implementation of legal provisions, and should allow for sustainable safe houses, psychosocial programs, financial compensation for victims, and support during the trial process.
10. Measures to hold perpetrators to account: Mandatory education and psychological support for perpetrators should be introduced along with other necessary measures, such as a ban on political engagement and holding positions in state institutions for convicted offenders.

Conclusion

The Resolution is not just another international document, but a foundation for real social change. Its importance for BiH lies in the fact that it offers a clear framework for building a gender-equal society and sustainable peace. This potential will not be realized, however, without concrete political accountability, institutional consistency, and the active involvement of citizens. To ensure that the Resolution is not merely a symbolic gesture, it is necessary to demand accountability from all levels of government, and to ensure the genuine implementation of adopted Action Plans. The Resolution should not just be a tool for change, but also a powerful reminder that without the full and equal participation of women, there can be neither just nor sustainable peace.

References

1. OSAGI. (n.d.). Landmark resolution on women, peace and security. United Nations. https://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/.
2. UN Women. (2021). 20th anniversary of resolution 1325 on women, peace and security in Bosnia and Herzegovina. United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. https://eca.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2021/2/20th-anniversary-of-resolution-1325-on-women-peace-and-security-in-bosnia-and-herzegovina.
3. Gender Equality Agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. (2018, August). Akcioni plan za primjenu Rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a 1325 „Žene, mir i sigurnost“ u Bosni i Hercegovini za period od 2018. do 2022. godine. Ministry for Human Rights and Refugees. https://arsbih.gov.ba/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Akcioni-plan-BOS-KB-14.01..pdf.
4. Gender Equality Agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. (n.d.). Rezolucija UNSCR 1325 o ženama, miru i sigurnosti. https://arsbih.gov.ba/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/UN-Rezolucija-1325.pdf.
5. Zvijerac, P. (2023, May 16). U Oružanim snagama BiH sve više žena, nijedna sa činom generala. Radio Slobodna Evropa. https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/bosna-hercegovina-zene-vojska/32413772.html.
6. Ministarstvo odbrane BiH. (n.d.). https://www.mod.gov.ba/aktuelnosti/vijesti/?id=109447.
7. Kešmer, Meliha and Aida Đugum. (2020, December 1). Ministarstvo odbrane BiH pred sudom zbog zabrane hidžaba. Radio Slobodna Europa. https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/emela-mujanovic-tuzila-ministarstvo-odbrane-bih/30978562.html.
8. Buka (2025, September 3). Dodik, Minić i Đajić igrali uz stihove: „Oj doktore, pregledaj mi ženu, sinoć sam joj prebio slezenu“. https://6yka.com/bih/dodik-minic-i-djajic-igrali-uz-stihove-oj-doktore-pregledaj-mi-zenu-sinoc-sam-joj-prebio-slezenu-video/?fbclid=IwY2xjawMlPMxleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBicmlkETFsbnJXRlRnSFZiNXFDcklqAR4ux-U9GX-anrOK5Fn6kFsyIqfjuFLliiYv427v3wCZhkBD0qPk-tarfMYNFg_aem_ud0NwEUewD26E2ISbSFNnA.