Moving forward, it is imperative to strengthen mechanisms for safeguarding the rights and safety of those targeted by anti-gender mobilizations.
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Introduction
Towards the close of 2020, various factions opposing gender-sensitive education and the integration of sexual education into curricula emerged prominently in public discourse surrounding the new Primary Education Concept. Terms such as "gender ideology" and "gender indoctrination" were introduced for the first time, serving as rallying points within the Macedonian context. Despite the Concept remaining unchanged, these groups persisted in their opposition to nearly all initiatives put forth by women's/feminist and LGBTIQ organizations.
Fast forward four years, and we find ourselves confronted with a well-coordinated and robust anti-gender movement comprising over 30 organizations, coalescing under the banner of the Coalition for Protection of Children. In 2023, the Macedonian Orthodox Church lent its voice to these anti-gender efforts, amplifying their influence significantly. This not only stalled the progress of two crucial laws—the Law on Gender Equality and the Law on Civil Registry (which included provisions for Legal Gender Recognition for transgender individuals)—but also cultivated a narrative portraying gender and queer activism as a national menace endangering women and children.
Today, human rights activists, feminists, and queer individuals in North Macedonia endure harassment, targeting, and public vilification with impunity, as sanctions against such behavior remain absent. This leaves us without the necessary support to live and advocate safely.
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Key Targets of Anti-Gender Mobilization and the Rise of Anti-Gender Mobilizations
Amidst the evolving socio-political landscape of North Macedonia, a complex tapestry of anti-gender mobilizations has emerged, weaving through various spheres of societal reform. These mobilizations, spanning educational reforms, legal battles over gender recognition, pride parades, and legislative endeavors for gender equality, signify a seismic shift in the nation's discourse on gender and identity. Rooted in resistance to perceived encroachments on traditional values and exacerbated by misinformation campaigns, these movements have galvanized disparate groups under a common banner, reshaping the contours of public debate and policy implementation. Delving into the intricacies of these mobilizations unveils a nuanced narrative of societal tensions, ideological clashes, and struggles for inclusivity in North Macedonia. In other words, what started as a resistance towards the announced educational reform, has turned into a complex mobilisation against not only policies, but any other form of activity aiming at advancing gender equality, LGBTQI+ rights, or simply creating a social space for feminist and queer individuals. In the following, I list the key targets of anti-gender mobilisations.
Educational System Reform: In 2021, the Ministry of Education and Science in North Macedonia unveiled ambitious plans for a comprehensive reform of the National Educational System. Encompassing legislative amendments, shifts in teaching methodologies, and revisions to both textbooks and teaching materials, this reform positions gender equality as a pivotal national educational standard. Notably, it introduces the concept of Gender-Sensitive Education (GSE) and voluntary inclusion of Comprehensive Sexual Education (CSE) in the 9th grade curriculum. The inception of the Concept for Primary Education served as the catalyst for the mobilisation of anti-gender actors. Their opposition was strategically framed as resistance to a reform labelled as "gender ideology" and perceived as an affront to national principles.
Legal Gender Recognition (LGR): The lack of legal regulation and the arbitrary decision-making in cases of LGR resulted in an application of a case (X. v. FYROM) in 2016 in front of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) submitted by the Coalition Margins. In January 2019, ECHR reached a decision that North Macedonia violated the right to a private life of the applicant X (a transgender man from North Macedonia). The complete implementation of ECHR’s ruling forced the state to adopt a legal framework to guarantee a quick, transparent, and accessible legal gender recognition procedure based on self-determination. The Ministry of Justice formed a working group on developing amendments to the Law on Civil Registry, regulating administrative legal gender recognition procedures in a separate chapter. Mobilisation against the Law led to the forming of the Coalition for Protection of Children with back then 26 members, most of which are civil society organisations and informal groups, but also political parties and religious groups. Despite the fact that legal gender recognition is an administrative procedure, the movements forced the false narrative that the Law would promote sex change and allow open door for violence (including sexual violence) against women and children.
Trans inclusive health-care: At the beginning of April 2024, the Dean's Office of the Faculty of Medicine decided to cancel the discussion on the aspects of medical services and care in the processes of confirmation of the gender of transgender and gender-different individuals - "The Path of Transition", intended for medical students. This decision was the result of panic, hatred, manipulation and paranoia spread by several anti-democratic and discriminatory individuals, groups and coalitions, known as anti-gender movements. Soon after the decision, the Macedonian Medical Student Association publicly shared an announcement and instead of standing up for scientific integrity and professional standards and independence, justify the cancellation of the debate and apologize for it.
Pride Parade: Pride parades stand out as key time-points triggering heightened mobilisation among anti-gender actors. The prominence of LGBTIQ topics during the pride month becomes a focal point, spurring intensified counter-campaigns by anti-gender groups. Over the past two years, these efforts have manifested through online lectures, the creation of texts and columns, memes and videos, family marches serving as counter-parades, and similar initiatives. Notably, the mobilisation against the Skopje Pride Parade extended to include a petition leveraging a narrative centred around the alleged threat of monkeypox and framed as a measure to safeguard the public health of the Macedonian people.
Law on Gender Equality: The draft Law on Gender Equality aimed to replace the 2012 Law on Equal Opportunities for Men and Women, driven by the inadequacies of the existing law and the imperative to reinforce the capacities of the gender machinery. In 2020, a comprehensive working group, comprising representatives from relevant institutions, civil society organisations, and experts, was established to address these issues. Following two years of deliberation and several public hearings facilitated by the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy (MLSP), the draft law neared its finalisation without substantial comments from any entity. However, in March 2023, anti-gender groups, spearheaded by the Eleusis Orthodox Foundation, initiated widespread mobilisation against the proposed law. The anti-gender rhetoric intensified just before the Pride Parade, culminating in a protest organised by the Macedonian Orthodox Church against both the Law on Gender Equality and the Law on Civil Registry (LGR). This protest garnered support from various religious institutions, civil organisations, associations within the anti-gender movement, and political parties.
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Political, Public and Institutional Strategies of Mobilization
Navigating the intricate landscape of North Macedonia's sociopolitical climate unveils a dynamic array of strategies employed within the anti-gender mobilization movement. From grassroots forums to international advocacy efforts, each tactic serves as a thread in the tapestry of opposition to gender-related reforms and policies. As we delve into the political, public, and institutional strategies of mobilization, we uncover a mosaic of initiatives that shape narratives, sway public opinion, and influence legislative discourse. These strategies, rooted in diverse sectors of society, reflect the multifaceted nature of the anti-gender movement and its response to evolving societal norms and political landscapes. Moreover, the bottom-up approach practiced by anti-gender groups, in contrast to the top-down mobilizations typically associated with civil society efforts, introduces a decentralized dynamic. This divergence highlights the interplay between local grassroots initiatives, exemplified in places like Strumica and Kumanovo, and the more centralized civil society actions centered in Skopje, underscoring the complexity of anti-gender mobilization strategies across different tiers of society. In the following, I am listing key mobilisation strategies in the Macedonian context.
Public Forums emerged as the inaugural platform for live discussions on anti-gender themes, commencing in Strumica and organised by the Eleusis Orthodox Foundation with support from the Local Government. In Strumica, three forums have transpired, drawing a diverse and extensive audience. The events were promoted through grassroots efforts, with teachers, public officials, and clergy disseminating promotional materials in public spaces, schools, and churches. Each forum delved into distinct subjects: "Awake: Modern Temptations as Challenges for Spiritual Awakening of the Person: Gender Ideology" (28 October 2022); "Why NOT for Comprehensive Sexuality Education in Schools" (17 March 2023); and "The True Face of GENDER" (22 June 2023). The lineup of speakers featured professionals spanning various domains, including doctors, university professors, women's rights activists, and anti-gender advocates. The last forum was used to announce the wider mobilisation against the adoption of the Law on Gender Equality and the Law on Civil Registry.
Alterations to local gender equality policies became the next phase initially commencing in Strumica and subsequently radiating to neighbouring municipalities and beyond. Currently, 12 municipalities have enacted revisions to their Programs for Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, derived from the Gender Equality Strategy. These changes encompass substituting the term "gender" with "sex," replacing "gender equality" with "equality of sexes" or "equal opportunities for women and men," and introducing a definition of men and a women. The definition stipulates that: a woman is an individual born with female biological sex, and a man is an individual born with male biological sex, irrespective of internal feelings or self-determination.
Film screenings have emerged as a potent and influential strategy within the realm of anti-gender mobilisation. A key component of this approach is the screening of a carefully selected film, that is the movie "What is a Woman?" directed by Matt Walsh and translated into Macedonian and Albanian. In just a matter of months, this film has been presented in no fewer than 28 municipalities. The coordination of these screenings is a collaborative project between the Eleusis Orthodox Foundation and the Coalition for the Protection of Children, executed through partnerships with local authorities and cultural institutions. The promotional efforts mirror those employed for public forums, involving the active participation of teachers, religious figures, local government representatives, and local media.
Petitions stand out as a potent tool for grassroots political mobilisation, particularly when executed on the ground. Their predominant utilisation has been observed in the context of anti-gender initiatives, primarily concerning educational matters, with one exception aimed at prohibiting the 2022 Pride Parade. The inaugural petition, initially conducted online, was a comprehensive call for the elimination of gender-sensitive education and the prohibition of comprehensive sexuality education. As the 2023 school year commenced, a noteworthy development unfolded with the establishment of Parents Front in Strumica. This organisation, dedicated to expanding its reach, aims to establish local chapters in every municipality. The Parents Front initiated its efforts with a petition opposing gender ideology in schools, commencing in Strumica and swiftly extending to two additional municipalities within a mere two-month span.
Protests have long been a preferred avenue for political mobilisation within the anti-gender movement. It commenced with demonstrations outside the Ministry of Education and Science and extended to protests by parents opposing gender ideology in education. This form of mobilisation reached its zenith with a massive protest orchestrated by the Macedonian Orthodox Church against the adoption of both the Law on Gender Equality and the Law on Civil Registry. These protests typically feature parents and children as the primary speakers, voicing concerns about perceived threats to personal safety and well-being posed by gender equality policies. The Macedonian Orthodox Church's protest differed in scale and organisation, involving key figures such as The Archbishop of the MOC and academician Katica Kulafkova from the Macedonian Academy for Science and Arts.
National and international advocacy, traditionally aligned with civil society, is gradually evolving into a potent mobilisation force within anti-gender initiatives. At the national level, advocacy efforts include widespread calls for sending pre-drafted template letters to parliamentarians, such as the one urging the withdrawal of the Law on civil registry. Additionally, advocacy meetings with decision-makers, like the one with the Minister of Labor and Social Policy opposing the Law on gender equality, and lobbying for the inclusion of anti-gender organisations and the Church in legislation drafting working groups, contribute to this multifaceted approach. In 2023, amid the peak of mass mobilisation against the two laws, representatives from the Eleusis Foundation engaged in a training session. The training, organised by the National Democratic Institute, aimed to fortify the capacities of local civil and religious leaders in essential legal and political processes, as well as models for activism and community organising.
On the international front, while advocacy efforts remain relatively modest, they are not entirely absent. In a noteworthy development in 2023, anti-gender organisations, backed by churches, religious communities, and legal partners, submitted a report to the United Nations Human Rights Council. In this collaborative effort involving 29 organisations, the focus of the report centred on “areas where, in the pursuit of extending rights to LGBTI+ individuals, the state potentially limits or jeopardises the rights of freedom of thought, conscience, belief, and religion among other citizens”.
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Conclusion
The landscape of anti-gender mobilizations in North Macedonia represents a convergence of local dynamics and transnational influences, shaping a multifaceted toolkit employed by domestic actors against gender equality and LGBTIQ rights. What began as resistance to educational reforms has evolved into a complex mobilization against any endeavors aimed at advancing gender equality or creating space for feminist and queer individuals. This mobilization, characterized by its decentralized bottom-up approach, contrasts starkly with traditional civil society mobilizations, underscoring the interplay between grassroots initiatives in locales like Strumica and Kumanovo and centralized civil society actions in Skopje. Across various sectors—from public forums and policy alterations to film screenings, petitions, protests, and national and international advocacy—anti-gender actors employ a diverse array of strategies to shape narratives, sway public opinion, and influence legislative discourse. As human rights activists, feminists, and queer individuals endure harassment and targeting with impunity, the absence of sanctions against such behavior leaves them without the necessary support to live and advocate safely.
Moving forward, it is imperative to strengthen mechanisms for safeguarding the rights and safety of those targeted by anti-gender mobilizations. This includes implementing robust legal protections against discrimination and harassment, enhancing support networks for marginalized communities, and fostering dialogue and education to counter misinformation and promote understanding and acceptance of gender diversity. Furthermore, civil society organizations, international partners, and governmental bodies must continue to collaborate and advocate for policies and initiatives that uphold gender equality and respect for LGBTQI+ rights. By standing in solidarity and amplifying the voices of those affected, we can work towards creating a more inclusive and equitable society for all individuals, irrespective of gender identity or sexual orientation.