Fascism, if you will, was also the prerequisite to the Calvary that the biggest part of the joint state was forced to undergo during the 1990ies. Besides, let us remind ourselves of the so-called anti-bureaucratic revolution from the second half of the 1980ies, under whos umbrella all those were eliminated who did not agree to the politics of the Serbian leader from that time – especially in the area of Serbia and Montenegro.
Bosnian-Herzegovinian incitements of the expansion of the ideology of fascism
Fascism is a product of the early 20th century, arising first in Italy, then Germany and other parts of Europe and the world. In that time, this ideological and political orientation appeared as a form of extreme authoritarian nationalism. What I mean is that efforts were made to unite the nation via the totalitarian state, an avant-garde party and an authoritarian leader as the central idea holding together the state, the people and the avant-garde party alike.
The time following World War Two, up until the time we ourselves are living in, enables the identification of various, and when compared to the first half of the 20th century, specific forms of the manifestation of fascist ideology. The reasons for which they most frequently are referred to by the expressions neo-fascism, post-fascism and the like, rather than the term fascism, should also be seeked for in that fact, among others, but also the reason why with regard to the determination of fascism as an ideological-philosophical-political construct today one can encounter different, not rarely also radically opposed positions. And in order to enable at least minimum consensus, attemps to create a sort of list of conditions someone – an individual, a group or an ideology – needs to fulfil in order to be labelled fascist are steadily incresing.
Umberto Eco, for instance, in the text Eternal Fascism, where he integrates various manifest forms of this philosophy by the term Ur-Fascism, offers a quite developed catalogue, a list of general values of the fascist ideology. Among them, along the others, are the cult of tradition, distrust of the world of the intellect, irreconcilability as betrayal, fear from differences that, in its own right, ends in racism, conspiracy opssessions, especially international conspiracies, the relationship towards pacifism as trading with the enemy which needs to be eliminated and turned to understanding life as a constant struggle, contempt towards the weeker which in the subtext inevitably also entails some sort of elitism – in the case of fascism we are dealing with national elitism – and selective populism, in which the individual is nothing and the Nation is everything, and its Leader is the interpreter of its own will.
However, if one takes Ecos list as a starting point, many of the values of the fascist ideology can also be recognised in the broader socio-cultural space of South-East Europe, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina – with the addition, sure enough, that the Italian Nobel laureate does not insist on the whole list of conditions as a prerequisite of the existence of fascism, he rather reminds that for this ideology to become a social reality, sometimes only one condition from the list it offers may be enough.
Fascism, if you will, was also the prerequisite to the Calvary that the biggest part of the joint state was forced to undergo during the 1990ies. Besides, let us remind ourselves of the so-called anti-bureaucratic revolution from the second half of the 1980ies, under whos umbrella all those were eliminated who did not agree to the politics of the Serbian leader from that time – especially in the area of Serbia and Montenegro. Then, let us remind ourselves of the Great-Serbian nationalist debauchery, organised from Vardar to Triglav, and the promise to the Kosovo Serbs how no one could beat them – and how Serbia and the Serbs, among other things also because of Kosovo, in the coming years are facing vital historical, maybe even armed battles. Finally, let us remind ourselves of the journeys to the relics of Tsar Lazar as the symbol of Serbian power, concord and unity – which likewise has not spared Bosnia and Herzegovina either, especially some of its parts for which the ideological centres have assessed that, because of the interest of the idea of Great Serbia, they must be subdued first.
The war just meant the continuation of such a, if I am to use Ecos assessment system, fascist ideology. The difference lies in the details – that it becomes an integral part of the everyday life of the political class and its intellectual “gurus“ among those who were involved in the war conflicts. Besides, let us remind ourselves of the followers of the Ustasha and the Chetnik ideology from that time, but also the Islamist ideological concept which was promoted out there, in various parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, by “intelectual stars“ of the Great-Muslim political philosophy, and turned to life by various political extremists, especially members of the Seventh Muslim Brigade and “fighters on Allah’s way“ from the Arab world.
The ending of the war opened the doors of hope that it was done and over with these ideologies. The time up to 2005, in all honesty, suggested that this might happen. Unfortunately, during the past 12-13 years the positive trend has definitely been disrupted and Bosnia and Herzegovina has been returned into the value system of the second half of the 1980ies and the early 1990ies. And today still, judging by the messages it is sending out into the world, it is once again one of Europe’s largest malicious wounds.
During the time I was writing this text, public condemnations of the last, today already traditional gathering of the “Chetnik Ravna Gora Movement” in Višegrad still have not abated – and neither have the messages with fascist subtext sent from there. But also messages like the one that the Drina shall be bloody again, whereby fear and terror are spread among the returnees to that part of the country who are forced to reconsider whether to stay in their century-old homes or, for their own and the safety of their families, again, just like one quarter of a century ago, and this time definitely, and without considering another return, to leave.
Someone might say that it is at least an equally big problem that official institutions have not reacted to the Chetnik debauchery in Višegrad – especially the ones in the Republika Srpska. Neither has the most powerful man of the Republika Srpska reacted, currently even presiding over the State Presidency of BiH, formally the first person of this entity has not reacted, the President of the RS, and the first man of the entity government finds the reactions of the public overly emphasised, no condemning voice can be heard from leaders of other political parties from that part of the country.
All of that, however, might only come as a surprise to the uninformed ones. Because the authorities in the Republika Srpska themselves gave the Chetnik gathering in Višegrad green light – this year and in all the preceding years. They did not only give green light. Such gatherings, objectively speaking, are also being stimulated by them. Besides, this is also suggested by the fact that a monument for Draža Mihajlović has been raised in Višegrad, that people in East Sarajevo are forced to walk across his street, maybe even in some other places, but also the fact that the authorities of the Republika Srpska have authorised the registration of even 16 Chetnik associations. And that, in other words, means that they themselves are treating them as allies in the fight for their own political goals.
Of course, these goals, besides what may be heard in the public space every day – and what according to Ecos system of assessment also belongs to the arsenal of fascistic ideology – are also evidenced by the relationship towards convicted criminals from armed conflicts during the first half of the 1990ies. Generally speaking, all of them are still treated today as national heroes. This can be heard literally on an everyday basis from the mouth of the first people from this part of the country, but also recognised by numerous other details. Besides, let us remind ourselves of the student dormitory in Pale, named after the man who was convicted for the genocide against the Bosniaks from Srebrenica at first instance. Then, let us remind ourselves of the recognition of the National Assembly of the Republika Srpska awarded to convicted war criminals, among whom some have, because of the things they did during the war, also served prison sentences in various European penitentiaries, others are still awaiting that fate. Finally, let us remind ourselves of the promise of one of the political leaders from this part of the country, spoken on the eve of the last parliamentary elections that, if he were chosen for the first man of the RS, he would do anything to resemble its first President – thus, a war criminal convicted for the Srebrenica genocide at first instance.
However, the messages coming from the kitchen of those who supposedly act in the name of Croatian national interests are not much more benign either. Admittedly, one could not say that they, sent out every day – like the messages regarding the amendments of the Constitution and the Election Law, the public broadcasting service in Croatian and the like – are directly charged with fascistic subtext. But, it is likewise true that the spirit of these messages is not devoid of the values Umberto Eco is talking about – especially those about the threatened nation and the need to keep together as a nation, about the Croats as a nation civilisationally superior compared to others, about declaring all those to be quislings who oppose the predominant ideological matrix, and so forth.
But, hints of fascism may thus be recognised in the political practice of a political group who has usurped the exclusivity of speaking in the name of a whole nation. Besides, let us remind ourselves of the environment in which the citizens of Mostar have been forced to live for decades. And they are forced, among other things, to walk on streets named after Ustasha leaders from the Second World War – Budak, Luburić, Boban, Vokić and Lorković. Then, let us remind ourselves of the receptions organised in the honour of convicted war criminals in Central Bosnia – or everything they do celebrating Prlić and the others, for war crimes punished with over one hundred years of prison. The reason for these acts is again loaded with attributes of the fascistic ideology Eco speaks of.
Let us not forget, the silence regarding the threats with a bloody Drina river is likewise indicative, sent out from the last Chetnik Ball in Višegrad. I have not noticed that someone of those convincing us on an everyday basis that they do everything that they do for the interests of the Croats reacted in some way on this occassion. Because, the bloody Drina, if they will, along with others, carried also Croats. Does that not constitute a reason to react? Or is, which is much more likely, the absence of a reaction not a sign that such messages, clearly because of their own political goals, suit them as well?
What might these goals be? If one is to judge by the messages sent out every day, the reincarnation of Herzeg-Bosnia – in the form it also had during the calvary of the war, or in some other form, compared to the one it had during the war more or less reduced if it would satisfy the appetites of an interest clan gathered around the leadership of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). However, whether we are talking about the original form of Herzeg-Bosnia or a form reduced to some degree, that idea has been condemned by the world – and it was condemned in a very much concrete form of over hundred years of prison by the Hague Tribunal – as retrograde, as an idea whose weft is made of elements of fascistic ideology.
And in the end, one can hear, not rarely today, how hints of fascistic ideology cannot be discussed amongst Bosniaks. This, of course, does not correspond to the truth. On the contrary, in some details they are, I believe, civilisationally even more carcinogenic than the ones I have spoken about so far. For instance, who does not still remeber today the Seventh Muslim Brigade from the first half of the 1990ies – and the lining up of soldiers in Zenica while they were shouting out “Allāhu akbar“ under the presence of the then presiding member of the State Presidency. Who at that time, as he also is today, was not seldomly treated as a symbol of the identity and the freedom of the Bosniak people. The Bosniak “Babo“ (“father“). Furthermore, who does not remember the benevolent relationship towards extremist Islamist groups in Bočinja, Gornja Maoča, other micro-localities and in various parts of the country – in the past, but also today.
Subsequently, leaders of the party representing itself as the protector of the interests of the Bosniaks were most vocal in the condemnation of the Chetnik debauchery in Višegrad. Of course, nothing would be odd about that, if the same persons would not proclaim another quisling, and fascist from the time of the Second World War, Mustafa Busuladžić as a national icon, honouring him by naming schools, streets and squares after him.
And this serves to demistify them. As it demistifies fleeing to the distant past – to the time of the Ottoman Empire – and the glorification of those who were conquerors in this region. In Sanski Most, as I have read, a monument was raised in the honour of the victory of the Ottomans over the Entente army over a hundred years ago, and the same historical event should, if I have understood well, also be formally celebrated. I would be really glad if someone might manage to explain to me the message sent out by that? Because, as far as I am concerned, I cannot observe that many differences between that and glorifying the slaughtering and the values of the Ustashe and the Chetniks, especially with regard to the message sought to be sent out to members of one’s own nation.
As it is clear from everything that I have written, the Bosnian-Herzegovinian reality – which constitutes only a part of the arsenal testifying in support of that – must be understood as an incitement of the planetary expansion of the ideology of fascism in the time that we live in. Truth be told, others likewise cannot be freed from the responsibility for that – especially not its first neighbours. Because, truth be told, the incitements of the expansion of a fascistic ideology here also come from their centres – primarily the capital cities of Serbia and Croatia. But, they neither can wash their hands in the manner of Pontius Pilate in other centres of power – especially the European ones. But, that is a topic for another, and whole new story.
Translated into English by Ivana Nevesinjac